Saturday, November 22, 2008

When will the Arabic-Islamic colonialism end?

All the Amazighs (Berbers) in Algeria-the Kabylians, Chaouis, Touregs, Chenouis and the Mzabs-have always been and continue to be the victims of Islamist colonialism for 14 centuries, since the death of Dihia ( A Berber Queen who fought against the first Arabic-Islamic hordes which invaded Algeria).

continued at

Thursday, November 20, 2008

Un pays conquis par les arabes est bientot ruiné (IBN KHALDOUN)

Un pays conquis par les arabes est bientot ruiné (IBN KHALDOUN)

L'Amazighophobie, la goutte qui va faire déborder le vase en Afrique du Nord. C'est les résultats d'une overdose du panarabisme d'orient importé en Afrique du Nord.

S'il y a une chose sur laquelle se sont mis d'accord les pouvoirs politiques et leur oppositions en Afrique du Nord c'est la destruction de l'identité Amazighe. Et son remplacement par une identité arabe. C'est un crime qui dépasse l'homicide. Un jour l'histoire en parlera. A bon entendeur. les Amazighs bravo pour votre sort maudit.

Amazighophobie à Tamazgha occidentale (Maroc+Mauritanie)
Amazighophobie à Tamazgha centrale (Algerie-Tunisie)
Amazighophobie à Tamazgha orientale (Lybie-Siwa)

Modern Arabic: the Tool of Islamic Terrorism Promotion

Note: This is an excerpt from the article. read the entire article at

Modern Arabic: the Anglo-French Tool of Islamic Terrorism Promotion
Posted Thu, 09/11/2008 - 00:26 by Jugurten

When Napoleon sailed to Egypt (this was the first major step in the effort to materialize the aforementioned plan), there was no Arabic speaking nation, and there was no Arabic spoken as native language to any people, except Arabia (here I mean Hedjaz, so the western mountains, and Nafd, so the northern desert of today’s Saudi Arabia).

Modern Arabic: French fabrication of a fake language to de-personify, de-valorize, radicalize and barbarize

Through the creation of a fake modern Arabic language , the French prevented a genuine Nation building in the area, ensured that the local peoples would never have access to their identity, and like this gave the Wahhabist sheikhs a most powerful tool of de-personification, de-valorization, radicalization and barbarization. The so idiotically venerated French ‘mission civilisatrice’ is truly speaking a ‘mission barbarisatrice’.

The French created what is the concept of Arabic as Modern Language, and (as an extension to it - at a second stage) the Arab nationalism - supreme stage of the colonialism.

What existed, as linguistic - ethnic groups’ situation, in 1798 throughout all the lands that belong to modern state members of the Arab League, is this:

1. Arabic had ceased to exist as native language (with the aforementioned exception); it was only the religious language of the Muslims, but it was a dead language - which means that it was not native to anyone.

2. Local, historical, native languages were in use, as follows (not extensive list):

I. Berberic in Northern Africa (involving Mauritania, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya and Egypt)

II. Coptic in Egypt

III. Nubian (several dialects) in Egypt and Northern Sudan

IV. Fur (in Northwestern Sudan)

V. Beja (in Eastern Sudan)

VI. Hadendawa (in Eastern Sudan)

VII. Tigrigna (in Eritrea)

VIII. Tigray (in Eritrea)

IX. Afar (in Eritrea and Djibouti)

X. Mahrani (in South Yemen)

XI. Soqotri (in Soqotra island)

XII. Somali (in Somalia)

XIII. Aramaic (Syriac Aramaic being divided to two groups, Western and Eastern, spoken in Syria, parts of today’s Southeastern Turkey, Iraq, Southwestern Iran, Kuwait, Qatar, Emirates, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine and Israel),

XIV. Ottoman Turkish (in Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine, Israel, Kuwait, Qatar, Emirates, Yemen, Oman, and Saudi Arabia)

XV. Kirkassian, Turkmen, and other Turkic languages (in Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine, Israel, Kuwait, Qatar, Emirates, Yemen, Oman, and Saudi Arabia)

XVI. Kurdish (in three languages and six dialects, in Syria, Iraq, and parts of today’s Eastern Turkey), and

XVII. Farsi.

3. Various idioms / languages had emerged in different places and consisted in per case linguistic amalgamations based on

I. Ottoman Turkish (administrative language) - participated in amalgamations throughout the area under study

II. Arabic (religious language) - participated in amalgamations throughout the area under study

III. Farsi (cultural language) - participated in amalgamations mostly in parts of Eastern Turkey, Iraq, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Oman, Emirates, Yemen, Somalia (Farsi was the only native language in Bahrain), and

IV. the aforementioned 17 historical, native languages. These languages played a greater role in the case they spoken by non isolated groups; for instance the Beja and the Soqotri were mostly living in isolated areas, whereas Aramaeans, Copts, and Berbers were living throughout their historical lands in the Asiatic part of the Middle East (the first), Egypt (the second) and NW Africa (the last).

Among these 17 native languages, the most active to participate in the linguistic amalgamation phenomenon were precisely Aramaic, Coptic and Berberic (in their respective areas). These idioms co-existed with the aforementioned historical native languages, and were more than one per case; to give an example, in Egypt there were more than two amalgamated languages based on linguistic mixture of Coptic with Arabic and Turkish (localisms prevailed and the linguistic amalgamation was different in the Delta, Alexandria, Cairo and various parts of Upper Egypt).

It was a very complex situation, as it implied (to give an example, we take Egypt) the parallel existence of the following languages:

1.Berberic (mostly in the Northern coast and the Western deserts)

2.Nubian (several dialects - in the south of Qena)

3.Beja (in the south of Mersa Alam)

4.Ottoman Turkish (administrative language)

5.Turkic languages (mostly spoken by the Mameluks)

6.Coptic (spoken throughout the country, as native and religious language)

7.Arabic (dead language - used only as religious means of communications by the Egyptian Muslims)

8.Coptic - Arabic - Ottoman Turkish amalgamated idiom of Alexandria

9.Coptic - Arabic - Ottoman Turkish amalgamated idiom of Delta

10.Coptic - Arabic - Ottoman Turkish amalgamated idiom of Cairo

11.- 12. Coptic - Arabic - Turkish amalgamated idioms of Upper Egypt

If we carry out a research about the proportion of the population each of these 12 parallel languages represented, we can be certain that the majority was using the five amalgamated idioms (nos 8 to 12).

It is essential to underscore the extent of the amalgamation in this regard; a Muslim from Sohag, who was speaking one of the Upper Egyptian linguistic amalgamations of Coptic - Arabic - Ottoman Turkish, would be characterized by the following determinant traits:

a - he would not be able to read and understand the Coran, except he had studied in local Coranic schools, which was a thin minority matter.

b - he could not understand people speaking

1. Aramaic - Arabic - Ottoman Turkish amalgamated idiom of Damascus,

2. Berberic - Arabic - Ottoman Turksih amalgamated idiom of Tunis, and

3. Arabic spoken in Madinah.

Preventing Nation Building and favoring the extremist Wahhabists

If the situation was like that, what a genuine effort of nation building throughout the Ottoman Empire would have implied, if the colonial interference had not taken place?

To answer this question, we must study what happened in other cases of nation building, when various peoples became independent during the 19th and the 20th centuries, and took care of their perception of their identity, history and past, as well as of their need to have a genuine means of oral and written communication, i.e. a language that would reflect the national identity. If we make comparisons between the cases of Italy, Serbia, Greece, Turkey and Egypt, we will be able to note that all these cases are very different one from another, and that wherever we have to deal with French involvement, Greece and Egypt, we attest very different French attitude.

Whereas in Greece the French did their best to incite an interest about the past, a kind of archeolatrous neo-classicism, an interest for linguistic purification and re-introduction of Ancient Greek vocabulary and Grammar, in Egypt they kept the local people far from the decipherment procedure of the Egyptian Hieroglyphics and the unearthing of the Ancient Egyptian temples. Striking but true! For more than 100 years after Champollion was able to read and understand Egyptian Hieroglyphics, there was not a single Egyptian Egyptologist!

Contrarily to what studies were suggested for Greek students arriving in Paris, the Egyptians, who moved to the French capital and to other places of academic importance, were driven to studies of Arabic language with the guidance to shape out of it a modernized vernacular that would become the national medium of communication, exterminating

1. the existing linguistic pluralism

2. the linguistic amalgamations, and

3, the Coptic language.

This was most unnatural, because the Egyptians’ past had nothing to do with Arabic, but this was tactics was imposed because of the need of France to generate a medium of linguistic confusion that would avert any access to national identity awareness, to impose it throughout the country, and later on throughout other areas that were to be detached from the Ottoman Empire. Like this France would form a supposed Arabic nation, as counterweight to the Turks and the Islamic Caliphate.

If there had not been French involvement in Egypt, one of the various Coptic - Arabic - Ottoman Turkish amalgamated idioms would have been chosen by Egyptian intellectuals as basis of a national Neo-Coptic language and efforts of purification would have taken place, with the reintroduction of a sizeable part of Coptic vocabulary and the elimination of Arabic words. Te Neo-Coptic, written of course in Coptic and not in Arabic characters, would certainly have had Arabic words but its bulk would be Coptic, and the imposition of this language would generate a great interest for Egyptian National History, studies of Hieroglyphics, inclusion of Egyptian Hieroglyphic language and writing into the Secondary Education syllabuses (as Latin is taught in Italy and France, and Ancient Greek in Greece).

This would automatically would have signified a genuine possibility of development at all levels, and Egypt today would have been at the economic level of Balkan countries, which would have been quite normal, if we take into consideration that all these countries were at the same socioeconomic development level at the beginning of the 19th century. Like this, Egypt today would not have been a member state of the Arab League, and this organization would have never existed.

More importantly, Arabic would have been only a religious language learnt by a few religious people as it happens in Turkey. Like this, the work of the Wahhabist sheikhs to diffuse Satanism in the name of Islam, and to use fanaticized masses for their terrorist purposes would not have been carried out because they would not have been able to find supporters believing that Arabic is their national language, and the Neo-Coptic would have never been selected by the Wahhabist sheikhs as vehicle of their false Islamic theology. If today’s world has to deal with Ossama bin Laden, the only reason is the disastrous work of Napoleon and the French colonials in pulling Egypt and other countries to the falsehood of Arabization, and the criminal theory of Pan-Arabism.

Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis

Also see

Nine years ago, the regime adopted the generalization of the Arab language

Arabization of the Amazigh lands


Posted Wed, 09/10/2008 - 19:01 by Jugurten

A repeated theme among anti-Amazigh propagandists is that the Amazigh identity was created by the French and that the Amazigh militants are traitors, working for the French. A common insult is to call the Amazigh “sons of the White Fathers,” referring to the missionary Roman Catholic priests that worked in the mountains of Kabylia under French colonialism. Certainly, French colonialism changed the dynamics of North Africa, particularly in Algeria, and the issue of identity has its roots in the divide-and-conquer strategy of the former colonialist power. But it was the Arab identity that was created due to this strategy, and the process was institutionalized under the post-independence regimes, which were influenced by the pan-arabist ideology of the former Egyptian president, Gamal Abdel Nasser.

Prior to French colonialism, Europeans referred to the area of North Africa as “Berberia”(1), recognizing that this was “Berber” land. Under colonialism, the area was called “L’Afrique Française du Nord” (French North Africa) and “Pays d’Atlas” (Land of the Atlas) by the French and “Africa Minor” by the Germans(2). In more ancient times, various names were used to refer to the area of North Africa or to parts of it, including: Afrikiyya, Libya, Numidia (central to eastern Algeria), Mauritanius (Morocco and western Algeria). At no time in history prior to the 20th century, was this area considered to be part of Arabia or Arab land. Under the French, the term Arab was used for the bedouins and as an insult. A look into a French or even English dictionary, will provide the meanings of “arab,” which includes a vagabond, or street urchin, in other words, someone without a settled residence. It was not always used literally, since the term was used to insult North Africans, sometimes followed by the word “dog.”

Despite the fact that Ottoman rule in Algeria was nominal, the military, government, and even culture of some of the cities had a Turkish character until the take-over of the French. There was even a term for the offspring of Ottoman Turks and Indigenous north Africans: Kouloughlis. The population also recognized Andalusians, descendants of the exiled Moors of Spain. The term “Moor,” itself, refers to the earlier designation of western North Africa by the Romans (Mauritanius). The French, however, created the dichotomy of Arab and Berber, a false dichotomy, which not only ignored the diversity of the land, but imposed a mythical identity. The French identification of Arabs, at least at first, referred to all nomadic plain-dwellers,(3) and the term “Berber” was used for the settled mountain-dwellers, which is misleading. For example, the Tuareg, a nomadic group, is Berber, not only having preserved its language and culture, but also its ancient writing style (Tifinagh). The French also used the term “Kabyle” in different ways in its early colonial history. At first, it was used for all the mountain dwellers they had not yet conquered, including those in Blida, “the Dahra and Ouarsenis ranges on either side of the Chelif river from Mostaganem in the West to Cherchell in the East, the Trara range near the moroccan border,” and the mountains of what is today known as Kabylia.(4) As the lands were conquered, the term “Kabyle” came to refer to a smaller part of the population, until it included only the people of today’s Greater and Lesser Kabylia. The term Kabyle was often used interchangeably with Berber, and no distinction was made at first between what we know today as Kabyles, Chaouis, etc. Nevertheless, these distinctions were created under the French and caused, or rather has caused, a confusion among readers, including scholars, about who the Berbers are. Much too often, Berber becomes synonymous with Kabyle, according to the latter’s current definition, and statistics undercount the populations because of this error. The 25-30% “berber population,” which is provided as the official Algerian statistic, is a result of the manipulation of this misconception, and thus, the number reflects only the population of Kabylia, ignoring the millions of berbers in Algiers, Blida, Tlemcen, Oran, Constantine, the Aures, and throughout Algeria. A similar problem has occured in Morocco, whose government officially recognizes 40 percent of the population as Berber (linguists recognize about 60 percent).

Together with the identification of people as Arab under the French, was the imposition of the Arabic language. In 1833, the French established the écoles arabes-françaises (French-Arabic school system). Until 1898, graduation tests were required in the Arabic language. While mostly Algerian Jews attended the schools and only an estimated 1,300 Muslims by 1870 (5), this created an elite class of Arabic-speakers. Arabic had heretofore been the religious literary language, and not the language of the streets. While Algerian (and other North African) “darja” (dialect) has a primarily Arabic vocabulary, its grammar and syntax is not Arabic but rather Tamazight. It is interesting to note that neither Ottoman and Persian are defined as Arabic dialects but languages in their own right, despite the use of Arabic characters and their majority Arabic vocabulary.

Although the French-Arabic schools were not popular among the majority of the indigenous population, in the 20th century, the movement begun in 1922 by Abd al-Hamid Ben Badis to “purify” Islam, or more accurately to easternize the religious beliefs and practices of Algeria, resulted in the growth of Qur’anic schools, which also taught Arabic. Although the French are depicted as anti-Islam, they controlled religious affairs under their ministry, and permitted, if not actually encouraged, the islamization and arabization of Algeria. Descriptions of the Berber laws and culture by French and British missionaries and anthropologists raise the question whether these people were, in fact, Muslim, as historians maintain, or if some Muslim terms and practices merely were incorporated into their own beliefs, influenced by the Ottomans, who were Sunni Muslims. The results of the combined islamization and arabization of North Africa is that today, the religion is equated with the language, considered holy and untouchable, despite the fact that the vast majority of Muslims are not Arabs, and Indonesians, Turks, Pakistanis, Iranians, and other non-Arab Muslims do not feel the need to define themselves as Arabs even if they are Muslim. In fact, they emphatically reject such an identification. Only in North Africa are the two equated.

After independence, arabization became more institutionalized. Arabic became the official language of all North African countries. In Algeria, this was an especially difficult transition since very few were actually literate in the language. Teachers had to be imported from Syria, Egypt, and Trans-Jordan. The Constitution defined the people as Arab and Muslim. Yet this was never the intent of the revolutionists who fought within Algeria. They had perceived a heterogenous Algeria, home to all Algerians, whatever their ethnicity or religion. With the murder of leading Amazigh revolutionists and the takeover by those who had studied, worked, or trained in Egypt, arabization became the official enforcement policy. Ben Bella, who made the infamous statement “We are arabs, we are arabs, we are arabs” (ironically in the French language) and Boumedienne, the first two presidents of Algeria, were both Berbers!

Despite the denial of the indigenous character of North Africa, of the root of its culture, its uniqueness, the maternal language of millions of its inhabitants, despite the virtual eradication of this identity in Tunisia and Libya and the ongoing struggle in Algeria and Morocco for full and official recognition of the Amazigh identity and language, human rights activists, academics, and the press refuse to call arabization by what it is: a racist policy of cultural genocide. None condemn the settlements and displacement of peoples to arabize these countries; yet, this is an ongoing process in both Morocco and Algeria. While the governments say they recognize that their countries is Amazigho-Arab and that Tamazight is permitted, the fact is that anything related to the Amazigh, including the language, music, art, etc., is relegated to the folkloric, to the “traditional,” painting anything related to Amazighity as archaic and nostalgic, rather than a living, breathing, developing reality. The limits are placed to bar Amazighity from becoming a practical and modern identity, from the Tamazight language being capable of official use, with the incorporation of modern, scientific terms, needed for any language to be viable. For this reason, all work in standardizing and modernizing Tamazight must be done from abroad by the diaspora. In the artistic field, few recognize that there is Amazigh music that is as modern as any pop, alternative, or metal music we hear today, its tunes being far from those traditionally played at weddings and other celebrations, and its words dealing with topics from the Amazigh struggle to romantic love. And while pictures of traditional wear and Berbers struggling in poverty are commonplace and popular due to its “exotic” flavor, the modern professional or blue-collar Amazigh, a more common and realistic portrayal, is invisible to most of the international community.

It is time—long past overdue—to confront the racist arabization of the Amazigh lands.

by Blanca Madani

- 1. Humbaraci, Arslan. Algeria: A Revolution that Failed. New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1966, p. 10.
- 2. Ibid.
- 3. Lorcin, Patricia M. Imperial Identities: Sterotyping, Prejudice and Race in Colonial Algeria. London: I.B. Tauris Publishers, 1999, p. 2.
- 4. Ibid, p 5.
- 5. Ruedy, John. Modern Algeria: The Origins and Development of a Nation. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992, p. 104.

added by Leslie White

Uploaded by dadamazigh

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and a

Azul fell-awen
The solution is in the autonomy of Kabylia, please take a time to look this video :

Movement for autonomy of Kabylia -The Police Of Zerhouni

MAK (Movement for autonomy of Kabylia*) Release
- The Police Of Zerhouni
Thursday 9 October 2008, by Zorro

On Monday, September 22 nd, 2008, the Algerian police department has made a raid into a library in Tizi Wuzu where members of World Amazigh Congress (CMA) were holding a press coference .An ardent and arrogant police chief with his escort have conducted a raid of shame, he stood up in the middle of the place and ordered the Moroccans Amazigh among the Kabylians to follow him to the police building without any given explanation.

Instead of conducting their swoop operations on the offenders that plunder the city and commit their crimes in a daytime, instead of enforcing the law against the illegal trades everywhere on the pedestrian sidewalks throughout the city; instead of working or elaborating an advanced plan against suicide bombers attacks, the Algerian police has its focus on an international non governmental organization members that are legally in the country.

Their aim is clear, in acting that way, the Algerian authorities unsuccessfully want to show a powerless kabylia to any foreigner who, by his/her visits expresses his/her sympathy to that tormented and suffering region, as the members of the World Amazigh Congress quickly understood the government intentions and willing to come back as many times as required.

Concerning the antiterrorism defensive measures, the police show a suspicious inactivity, to give an example, on June 6, 2008 around 6:30 pm that means in daytime, terrorists have been firing on the police building for 30 min (in a village called Ath- Wassif in kabylia) and the members of the police force preferred to hide inside . Results: one civilian injured. The local population, for a longtime witnessing civilians assassinations and an overbearing pride from the Islamic terrorism, hoped to feel safer after the recent settlement of the new police force, sooner the hope has turned into illusion, when the village residents noticed that their safety is not a priority for the interior minister Yazid Zerhouni.

The Movement for the Autonomy of Kabylia (MAK), without interfering in the internal divergences of the pattern, expresses its full sympathy to the World Amazigh Congress members and its entire availability to contribute with all its resources and forces to ensure better and safer conditions for a healthy progress of this international NGO (Non governmental organization) that shares some of MAK objectives. This government isolation and humiliation of Kabylia reinforces the firmness of the MAK to work hard more than ever in order to make kabylia a home of freedom, democracy, secularism, fraternity and sympathy.

September 23, 2008

For the MAK, chairman


Translated from French by L.F Aksel Source kabylia
* Kabylia
Arabic: qabīla
Berber: Tamurt Idurar
Other spellings: Kabylie; The Kabyle
Mountain area in northeastern Algeria, principally along the coast, between the capital Algiers and Bejaïa, equalling a stretch of about 200 km.The Kabylia stretches from the coast to the hinterland of about 125 km inland from the Mediterranean Sea. Normally the Kabylia is divided into two areas, the Djurdjura or Jurjura, or the Larger Kabylias, to the west; and the Small Kabylia to the east. The mountains of the Larger Kabylias reach summits of 2,000 metres, while the highest summits of the Small Kabylia reach about 1,200 metres.The terrain of the Kabylias is one of the wildest of North Africa, with rugged mountains, and isolated valleys. Through large parts of the year, many areas are inaccessible because of snowfall and rain.The isolation of Kabylia has given birth to a strong independent cultural feeling, where the Berber people of the region do not speak Arabic, but a Berber dialect named Kabyle. And it is French that is their second language.